For Public Safety, We Need
Less Government, Not More
by Harry Browne
(From The Great
Libertarian Offer, published in 2000.)
Politicians have been
congratulating themselves that crime rates fell during the 1990s.
Unfortunately, that doesn't
mean you can safely walk the streets late at night —
as you once could in most parts of most American cities. Nor does it mean
you can leave your front door unlocked —
as once was the rule in America.
As we can see from the graph
below, the murder rate in America is still almost 50% higher than it
was in the 1950s.

In 1943, there were 44
homicides in New York City. In 1995, with roughly the same population, New
York City had 1,499 homicides — and
this was celebrated as an improvement. {1}
The truth is that our cities
are still unsafe.
Liberal politicians say the
crime problem is caused by widespread poverty. But the federal government
has thrown trillions of dollars at poverty in the past 30 years while the
crime rate continued to rise. By contrast, the crime rate fell
dramatically during the poverty-stricken Great Depression of the 1930s.
Conservative politicians say
the crime problem stems from lenient judges, the coddling of criminals,
and a lack of prisons. But the prison population quadrupled between
1980 and 1997. How many people have to be locked up to make America safe?
How do we reduce crime
without the same old futile proposals for more prisons, tougher laws, more
federal handouts, higher taxes, more trampling on the Bill of Rights?
Why Crime-Fighting Is Ineffective
To answer that question we
first have to ask: Why is crime such a problem?
Primarily because we rely so
much on government for law enforcement.
Government is government. It
doesn't matter whether government is performing a function you want it to
perform or one you think it should avoid. Anything government does will be
organized, financed, and carried out using force —
not just force against criminals, but force against taxpayers and innocent
bystanders. Any program based on force will be inefficient, expensive,
misdirected, and intrusive of individual liberty.
It doesn't matter how
conscientious the crime fighters are, government —
by its nature — can't be very
efficient at anything. It never has been and it never will be.
Even where you believe
government must be utilized, you should minimize its role and maximize
reliance on individual citizens acting voluntarily.
That's the key. Crime rates
were much lower when we relied far less on government —
and far more on individuals acting in their own self-interest.
And if we want to bring back
the safety of those times, we need to make big changes in five areas. Each
of them involves a reduction in government, not an increase.
1. STOP DISARMING INNOCENT CITIZENS
There was a time in America
when criminals had to fear law-abiding citizens. If a criminal thought
about attacking someone on the street, he had no way of knowing whether
his victim was armed. If a criminal wanted to rob someone's home, he had
to wonder whether the homeowner would meet him with a gun.
But the ability of innocent
people to defend themselves and repel attacks has been vanishing steadily —
thanks to misguided gun-control laws.
These criminal-friendly laws
include federal, state, and local requirements that you wait several days
before touching a gun you've purchased, age restrictions on gun purchases,
prohibitions on mail-order sales, gun registration or licensing, and
mandatory gun locks.
As a result of these
restrictions, gun ownership didn't increase during the 1960s and 1970s,
and violent crime did. Consequently, innocent citizens have become more
and more at a disadvantage to criminals.
Concealed-carry Laws
But the late 1980s saw a new
development. In 1987 Florida passed a law that allowed anyone who met
certain minimal qualifications to carry a concealed weapon. Other states
followed suit — and by early 2000,
31 states had such laws.
The laws act as a deterrent
to street muggers and rapists who have to wonder whether an intended
victim is carrying a weapon. And they provide the means to fight back when
a vengeful or deranged person opens fire on people in a public place.
In 1996 law professor John
R. Lott, Jr., and economist David B. Mustard published
an extensive study of these laws. Examining the period 1977 through
1992, they found that states with "concealed-carry" laws have
significantly less violent crime, with no increase in accidental gun
deaths.
A
similar study was made by the Cato Institute, which found that the 24
states that had concealed-carry laws in 1992 had 7.7% fewer murders, 5.2%
fewer rapes, 2.2% fewer robberies, and 7% fewer assaults. The report
concluded that if such laws had been in effect in every state, there would
have been 1,414 fewer murders, 4,177 fewer rapes, and 60,363 fewer
assaults nationwide in 1992.
Understandably, some people
fear that someone carrying a weapon might shoot an innocent person by
accident or in anger — at a traffic
accident, for example. But in the 14 years since the first concealed-carry
law was passed, there is no reported incident of someone with a
concealed-carry permit wrongfully killing anyone —
in anger or by accident.
And there are thousands of
examples in which someone carrying a gun has stopped a crime or defended
himself against attack.
For example, in October 1997
a gunman
went on a shooting spree at a high school in Pearl, Mississippi. He
killed two students and could have shot many more. But an assistant
principal ran to his car, got his gun, and kept the gunman at bay until
the police arrived. How many lives do you suppose were saved?
Contrast this with the 1991
mass shooting in Luby's Cafeteria in Killeen, Texas. Suzanna Gratia Hupp
was in the restaurant at the time. She had a concealed-carry permit in her
home state, but she wasn't carrying her handgun because at that time it
was illegal to do so in Texas. So everyone in Luby's was unarmed except
for the murderer, who was free to kill eight people —
including Suzanna's mother and father. Four years later, Texas passed a
concealed-carry law, and there have been no mass shootings since. Had the
law been effect in 1991, Suzanna Gratia Hupp could have saved her parents'
lives.
The greatest benefits of
concealed-carry laws are bestowed on the people who are society's most
vulnerable. Women, the disabled, the elderly, and the weak have always
been easy prey for muggers and other predators. But would-be attackers in
states with concealed-carry laws know that any potential victim might be
carrying a handgun. As Barbara Goushaw has pointed out, "Handguns are
a girl's best friend."
One great advantage of a
concealed-carry law is that you don't have to own a gun to benefit from
the law. As long as some people are carrying concealed weapons,
criminals have to fear that you are one of them.
Gun Control
The concealed-carry laws cut
against the trend of ever-expanding gun-control laws. While
concealed-carry laws empower some innocent citizens, gun-control laws
disarm others — making them easy
prey for criminals who carry whatever weapons they please. After all,
criminals don't care about permits, gun registration, or buying through
legal channels. They steal the guns they want or buy them from other
criminals.
Gun-control advocates
believe their laws will prevent deaths. And they are fond of saying that
if just one child's life is saved, it's worth all the intrusions on your
liberty.
But they overlook the lives
saved by citizens who brandish a gun at an attacker or intruder. A 1994
Department of Justice study estimated that guns interrupt or avert about
1.5 million crimes each year. That translates into not just one child's
life, but thousands of lives that guns save each year.
For example, someone
telephoned Doug Stanton to tell him that a man who once had stalked Mrs.
Stanton was on his way to the Stanton house. Sure enough, the stalker
arrived in the driveway, holding a pistol and wearing a bullet-proof vest.
He shot at the back door,
kicked it open, and sprayed bullets into the kitchen. Stanton fired two
shots at the attacker with his .45 automatic. The intruder staggered,
despite his bullet-proof vest, and then fled. He was captured by the
police shortly afterward.
As Doug Stanton said,
"Because the Stanton family had a gun, six lives were saved. Had
there been restrictions on gun ownership, the Stantons would be dead. This
is a fact, not a hypothetical situation."
How many children at
Columbine High School would have been saved if one of the teachers had a
gun close by? When a lunatic starts shooting in a restaurant, how many
lives could be saved if just one customer has a concealed weapon?
How many women could have
saved themselves from rape, kidnapping, or recreational torture by
carrying a gun?
It's nice that gun-control
advocates talk about saving the lives of children. But it's not nice when
their own distaste for guns forces disarmament on the people who could
save the lives of children.
Gun-control laws make the
world safer for criminals, and less safe for you.
Politicians Don't Believe in Gun Control
When politicians say they
favor gun control, they mean they favor it for you —
not for themselves.
If you should visit the
Capitol Building in Washington, notice how many guards are carrying guns.
The politicians say you must be disarmed to make America safer, but they
don't disarm government employees.
Members of the federal
agencies that protect politicians are always well armed. But it doesn't
stop there. Employees of the EPA, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, the
Army Corps of Engineers, and many other agencies now carry guns.
If guns cause crime, why do
so many government employees have them? Maybe they have a compelling need
to carry guns, but is it more compelling than your need to defend your
home and family against criminals?
Who Needs What Guns?
Gun-control laws have been
disarming America inch by inch. Any one step may seem reasonable (if you
don't look at it too closely), but the cumulative effect has been to put
innocent Americans at a dangerous disadvantage to criminals.
For example, it might seem
reasonable to say that individuals should have the right to own handguns
(with appropriate restrictions like gun locks, registration, and such),
but who needs such things as assault weapons or mortars?
Maybe you don't. But some
people do.
During most riots, the
police have been outnumbered and have intentionally stayed clear of gangs
that were looting and vandalizing. Suppose your life savings are invested
in a store the gangs are about to loot. And suppose you have little or no
insurance because your store is in a dangerous section of town. How will
you defend the store against the looters? With a knife? With a handgun
against a dozen attackers? Or with an assault weapon?
If you prevent innocent
citizens from acquiring assault weapons, criminal gangs will still acquire
them — even if they have to smuggle
them into America from thousands of miles away. So why pass laws that
disarm only the innocent?
You might be able to imagine
the perfect law that allows just the right people to own just the right
types of guns, while prohibiting other citizens from owning inappropriate
firearms. But remember, you're only imagining such a law; it will never be
a reality. Once the issue is turned over to the politicians, it will be
decided by whoever has the most political influence —
and that will never be you or me.
The only valid policy is to have
no laws
regulating the ownership of guns, but to hold every citizen
responsible for whatever harm he initiates against others — with or without a gun.
As always, you really have only two
choices. Either:
Any apparent middle ground between the two
actually gives the politicians the power to do as they please.
And all such decisions will be made on the
basis of who has the most political influence. So attempts to limit gun
ownership do more to promote the political interests of well-connected
people than to reduce crime.
No More Laws
Gun owners have fought back against gun-control laws,
but ineffectively.
The gun-grabbers exploit every well-publicized shooting
to advocate another new gun-control law —
even if unrestricted gun ownership would have prevented the shooting, and
even if the shooter was breaking existing gun-control laws.
Gun-control laws don't stop criminals from acquiring
guns. And it weakens the case for gun ownership if we call for existing
gun laws to be better enforced before passing new laws. This implies that
the existing laws have merit.
They don't. Such laws have caused people to die when a
waiting period has kept someone from acquiring a gun to scare off a
stalker — or a gun-lock requirement
prevented someone from using a gun in time to stop an intruder or
attacker.
If we want Americans to be safer, we need to take the
offensive and repeal all the gun-control legislation on the books.
Criminals will have no more guns than they do already, but it will allow
Americans to defend themselves — and
it will probably inspire a number of criminals to seek a safer line of
work.
Restoring your Right to Defend Yourself
The 2nd amendment to the Constitution says:
-
A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the
security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear
Arms, shall not be infringed.
There are arguments over whether this means only a duly
authorized state militia has the right to keep and bear arms —
even though when the amendment was passed, there were no restrictions on
anyone's right to keep and bear arms.
But the arguments are irrelevant. The 9th amendment
states clearly that the Constitution does not deprive anyone of the right
to keep and bear arms:
-
The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain
rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by
the people.
Nothing in the Constitution authorizes Congress to limit
gun ownership, and so the right to defend ourselves is "retained by
the people."
Unfortunately, politicians only talk about the
Constitution, they don't respect it. And we aren't going to secure your
right to defend yourself by pushing this issue in isolation.
We must show Americans the harm that comes to their own
lives when any Constitutional right is violated —
the right to say unpopular things, to practice unpopular religions, to
defend yourself against predators, to be safe against vindictive cops and
prosecutors, to keep your property safe against demagogues invoking the
"public good," to have all your rights secured by strict
adherence to the Constitution.
If you're a gun owner, you are always on the defensive
— defending some weapon as legitimate, and then watching as your
favorite politician agrees to a compromise that takes more of your freedom
from you.
Your only hope is a President and Congress who believe
the right to bear arms isn't a negotiable issue —
that it's one of many fundamental Constitutional rights that can't be
traded away.
You have to support candidates who believe in the entire
Constitution, not just in the 2nd amendment. You need champions who will
go on the offensive — who will say
there are far too many laws in America, and that we must repeal all the
useless, oppressive, dangerous, unconstitutional laws passed in the last
70 years, including those that limit the right to bear arms.
You will restore the right to keep and bear arms only
when we put the gun-control advocates on the defensive.
And we will make America safer only when we end the
government's ability to disarm innocent citizens.
Less government means less crime.
2. GET THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OUT OF LAW ENFORCEMENT
All crime is local. It occurs in the jurisdiction of a
police department or sheriff's department somewhere. The Founding Fathers
wisely provided no Constitutional role for the federal government
regarding common crimes of any kind.
But, of course, the politicians never lose sleep over
Constitutional limitations. They have passed federal laws against
carjacking, vandalism, "hate crimes," kidnapping,
discrimination, fraud, pornography, gun ownership, drugs, and almost
anything some politician doesn't happen to like.
A federal police force provides no additional safety for
you. Local-law enforcement agencies help each other capture fugitives,
share fingerprints, and otherwise cooperate across state lines. They don't
need federal police to help them protect you.
In fact, a federal police force makes you
less
safe. The federal government's involvement in law enforcement gives
politicians another excuse to spend more of your money, it gives federal
bureaucrats the power to dictate politically correct polices to your local
police department, and it does more damage to your Constitutional
liberties.
The Founding Fathers would be shocked to see today's
federal police forces — such as the
FBI, the BATF, and the DEA. They explicitly warned against giving the
federal government the power to deal with common crimes. They knew that
federal police forces could lead to events like the BATF-FBI massacre of
the Branch Davidians at Waco, and the shooting of an innocent woman and
her child at Ruby Ridge.
Loading up the Bills
Every federal law includes intrusive and expensive
provisions you never hear about. Crime bills are no exception.
After the Columbine High School massacre, the House of
Representatives passed the "Juvenile Crime Bill" —
supposedly to reduce teenage violence.
Conservatives supported the bill because they didn't
notice its gun-control provisions, and probably because they didn't want
to appear insensitive in the midst of a supposed crisis.
Liberals supported the bill because they didn't notice
that it gave the government more power to use warrantless wiretaps,
allowed police to intercept messages going to your pager, promoted
drug-testing of all school children, and gave increased immunity to police
who might commit violent crimes against you.
As usual, the politicians had practically no idea what
they were voting on.
Not only is federal law enforcement dangerous, it is
very expensive. As with any other kind of bill, the politicians see
anti-crime bills as opportunities to enact unrelated programs for their
political allies.
For example, Bill Clinton made a big show of a proposal
for the federal government to pay for 100,000 new local patrolmen. The
final version of the law, passed in 1994, appropriated $8.8 billion for
the new policemen along with a load of non-crime goodies for anyone with
the political clout to get on the gravy train.
In 1999, the Inspector General's Office audited the
program. It found that all the subsidies had been duly paid, but where
were the cops? Only about 40,000 had been added to the nation's police
forces.
The President often congratulates himself on the success
of this program. He thinks so highly of it that in 1999 he asked Congress
to appropriate another $6.4 billion to put an additional 50,000 cops on
the streets by 2005.
Getting the federal government out of local law
enforcement will mean less government, not more —
and it will reduce the cost of local law enforcement, reduce your taxes,
restore many of the liberties you've lost, and make your neighborhood
safer.
Once again, less government means less crime.
3. REPEAL ALL ASSET FORFEITURE LAWS
Asset forfeiture laws allow government agents
—
federal, state, or local — to
seize your property if they suspect it may have been related to a crime.
It doesn't matter that the property was only incidental
to the crime. It doesn't matter that you didn't commit the crime. It doesn't
matter that you didn't even know a crime was occurring —
or perhaps saw the crime and risked your life trying to prevent it. It
doesn't matter that no one is ever convicted of the crime —
or even charged with the crime. It doesn't even matter that no
crime actually occurred. If government agents suspect that your property
might have been related, however remotely, to a crime that might have
occurred, even if you had no knowledge it was occurring, the agents can
seize the property.
For example, if drug warriors learn that your child's
friend brought a marijuana cigarette into your home without your
knowledge, your house could be seized under the asset forfeiture laws.
Roughly 80% of the people who lose property to seizures
are never charged with a crime. All of them have to sue the government to
get their property back.
At the federal level, asset forfeiture is used by the
Drug Enforcement Agency, the IRS, the FBI, the Coast Guard, the Postal
Service, the Bureau of Land Management, the Fish and Wildlife Service, the
Securities & Exchange Commission, the Department of Health & Human
Services, the Food & Drug Administration, the Customs Service, the
Immigration & Naturalization Service, and the Department of Housing
& Urban Development. And over 3,000 state and local governments have
their own forfeiture laws.
Although the laws were enacted to fight organized crime
and large-scale drug operations, they have turned into a brutal
fund-raising tool for law-enforcement agencies. For any department that
wants to augment its appropriated budget, asset forfeiture is a gift from
Heaven. And human nature dictates that many law-enforcement officials pay
more attention to cases involving property that can be seized, and less to
cases in which your life or property may be threatened.
Seized property usually is sold at auction, and the
law-enforcement agency keeps all or most of the auction proceeds for its
own use. However, sometimes the agency will keep the assets and use them —
especially cars and buildings. Sometimes the seized property is stolen by
government employees. Or it may simply be left forgotten and moldering in
a government warehouse.
Asset forfeitures total over $2 billion a year in
property — allowing many state
law-enforcement agencies to be self-funding. These agencies no longer
plead for money from the legislators; their seizures provide the money to
buy whatever they think they need.
Asset forfeiture is a mockery of the Bill of Rights.
There is no presumption of innocence, no need to prove you guilty (or even
charge you with a crime), no right to a jury trial, no right to confront
your accuser, no right to a court-appointed attorney (even if the
government has just stolen all your money), and no right to compensation
for the property that's been taken. Somewhere hidden in the 4th and 5th
Amendments there must be a clause saying these Amendments don't apply to
asset forfeiture.
Asset forfeiture laws allow an angry neighbor or a
desperate business competitor to make your life a living Hell by telling
the police anonymously that you're storing drugs or illegal weapons
in your closet. You can lose not just your closet, but your entire house
or any cash kept in the house — even
if the police don't find any drugs or weapons.
To reduce crime and protect your right to property, it's
important that we repeal all federal asset forfeiture provisions. I hope
this will lead to the repeal of all state and local asset forfeiture laws.
Reducing government power by getting rid of these laws
will refocus police on chasing violent crime, instead of lucrative
seizures — making your life safer.
Once again, less government means less crime.
4. STOP PROSECUTING VICTIMLESS CRIMES
The crime rate can be reduced dramatically by ending the
War on Drugs and stopping the prosecution of other victimless crimes. This
will free up resources to control true crime —
the kind that hurts and terrorizes people.
Our prisons are packed with non-violent criminals
—
which frees violent murderers, rapists, and robbers on early release and
through plea bargains. We need to send the pot smokers and other
non-violent prisoners home, and make room for the thugs who terrorize
innocent people.
This is covered in more detail in chapter 10 of
The
Great Libertarian Offer, and my proposals to free non-violent
prisoners are on page 237.
Mandatory Minimums
One of the cruelest consequences of the War on Drugs has
been the invention of federal sentencing formulas. These are rules
established by Congress that require judges to impose fixed sentences,
without hope of parole, for various crimes.
Beyond a very narrow range of discretion, a judge can
reduce a defendant's sentence only if the defendant provides
"substantial assistance" in convicting others —
and only if the prosecutor approves (a clear violation of the separation
of powers between the executive and judicial branches).
In 1986 basketball star Len Bias died of a cocaine
overdose. House Speaker Tip O'Neill saw this as an opportunity to show
that Democrats are just as tough on drugs as Republicans. He exploited
Bias' death to rush through a bill before the 1986 elections. The bill
fixed the minimum sentences for a whole range of crimes, but mostly
concerning drugs. Republicans eagerly embraced a bill that responded to
their long-standing complaints that judges are "soft on crime" —
especially drug crime.
Few Congressmen took the time to read any part of the
bill. There were no hearings, and there was virtually no discussion of the
bill before it was passed. This reckless legislating has caused gross
injustices in the sentences imposed on non-violent criminals and innocent
bystanders, overflowed the nation's prisons, and destroyed thousands of
lives.
Laws are rarely repealed
—
not even bad ones. Instead, a law is "fixed" by passing an
additional law — which usually makes
matters even worse. When it was found that the 1986 bill wasn't putting
away big-time drug dealers for long sentences, Congress passed a 1998 bill
that made everyone in a drug organization responsible for every crime
committed by anyone in the group. That meant the errand boy who never
carried anything more important than sandwiches and coffee could receive
the same sentence as Mr. Big.
I know you won't be surprised to learn that this law
didn't catch any big fish either. In fact, it did just the opposite. When
a major drug dealer was caught, he provided "substantial
assistance" by ratting on everyone underneath him —
allowing him to get a light sentence. Because of the 1998 law, groups of
smaller fish went to prison with long sentences that had been intended for
the big barracuda.
This has caused the prison population to explode
—
with more and more people entering prison and staying longer. The Justice
Policy Institute has estimated that on February 15, 2000, the
prison population of the United States reached 2 million.
But this explosion in the prison population hasn't taken
violent criminals off the streets. For the most part, it has scooped up
only low-level drug offenders or innocent people who were fingered by
high-level dealers providing "substantial assistance."
One
example was Clarence Aaron. In 1992 he was a 23-year-old college
student in Mobile, Alabama. He had never been in trouble with the law when
he agreed to drive some friends to a drug transaction in Baton Rouge. When
caught, the friends provided "substantial assistance" by
testifying against Clarence. Although he had never dealt drugs himself
or even touched any, Clarence was given three life sentences
without possibility of parole.
His only hope now is a Libertarian President who will
pardon him. If I am elected President, I will provide that pardon from the
inauguration platform.
The mandatory minimums are a travesty, spawned by the
travesty that is the War on Drugs. They must be eliminated, and sentencing
discretion must be returned to judges who can consider all the
circumstances when passing sentence.
Wiping victimless crimes off the law books and ending
the mandatory minimums will not only end the cruel and unusual punishment
of people who are either innocent or who have committed minor offenses. It
also will dramatically reduce the prison population and make room for the
violent thugs you don't want to meet on a dark street.
Once again, less government means less crime.
5. RESTORE RESPECT FOR THE RULE OF LAW
Every senseless law enacted by big government erodes the
public's respect for the rule of law. And there have been plenty of
senseless laws.
With government invading your bank account, your
bedroom, your bathroom, and your closet, many people can no longer see the
difference between laws to punish violent criminals and laws to regulate
your private business. With the line blurred, it's too easy for
individuals without much moral training to step over it and hurt others.
If it's okay to smuggle into your home a toilet larger than the federal
government allows, maybe it's okay to smuggle out of the office a little
of your employer's property.
Respect for the law also means insisting that police,
prosecutors, and courts respect your civil liberties. Without the rights
promised you in the Bill of Rights, you are living in a police state.
Among those rights are:
-
Your right to be secure in
your person, house, papers, and effects against unreasonable search
and seizure. (4th Amendment)
-
Your right to be safe
against double jeopardy, to remain silent if suspected of a crime, to
due process of law, and to just compensation if your property is taken
for public use. (5th Amendment)
-
Your right to a speedy and
public trial, to know of every witness against you, to cross-examine
those witnesses, and to have the assistance of counsel for your
defense. (6th Amendment)
-
Your right to a trial by
jury. (7th Amendment)
-
Your right to be released
on reasonable bail, and to be free of excessive fines, and cruel and
unusual punishment. (8th Amendment)
-
Your right to privacy or any other common right that
hasn't specifically been forfeited in the Constitution. (9th
Amendment)
These rights have been sliced and diced by asset
forfeiture laws, by the practice of retrying in federal court individuals
who have been acquitted in state court, by search and arrest warrants
issued on anonymous tips, by confiscation powers given to the EPA and
other federal agencies, and by mandatory minimum sentences imposing cruel
punishments.
The abuses of civil liberties by the police,
prosecutors, and courts have done little to keep violent criminals off the
streets. But they have turned the lives of many innocent people into
nightmares.
Professional criminals are versed in the laws they
break; they know how to limit the risk of prosecution. The innocent know
little about the 1,001 new laws passed each year —
and so they're shocked and helpless when a government agent moves in on
them. This is why tough new laws aimed at crime always seem to hurt the
innocent more than the guilty.
The Declaration of Independence says that
"Governments are instituted among Men" to "secure these
rights" to "Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness." A
government that does that and no more will be immeasurably more just, more
efficient, and more respected than our government is today, and you will
be freer and more prosperous.
The Great Libertarian Offer will reduce the federal
government to just its constitutional functions —
automatically removing thousands of federal laws from the books,
automatically restoring hundreds of lost rights, and automatically
restoring the rule of law.
This will do far more to reduce crime than all the new
prisons, new money for law-enforcement agencies, and new intrusions on
your liberty.
Once again . . .
LESS GOVERNMENT MEANS LESS CRIME
Crime rates will drop to the level of a generation ago
only when we reduce our dependence upon government. . . .
-
Repeal gun-control laws and
criminals will start fearing innocent citizens.
-
Get the federal government
out of local law enforcement, and law enforcement will be much more
effective and less expensive.
-
Repeal the asset forfeiture
laws, and crime-fighting agencies will refocus on the most dangerous
criminals, rather than on the most valuable property.
-
End the prosecution of
victimless crimes — especially
drug crimes — and the courts
will tell the truly violent criminals to step to the head of the line.
-
Reduce the enormous number of pointless and harmful
laws and regulations, and citizens will respect the laws that remain.
Will these five proposals do away with crime entirely?
Of course not. Even the freest and most prosperous country in the world
will have people who try to get what they want by taking it from others.
But you
can have a peaceful city and a peaceful
neighborhood. And you can have it without making big government any bigger
— but instead by reducing our
reliance on government and relying more on citizens who have an interest
in minimizing crime.
Libertarian solutions are sometimes accused of being too
extreme. But what could be extreme about wanting to reduce crime, making
our schools safer, and setting our citizens free?
The real extremists are those who continue to let
children die in school shootings and drive-by killings rather than give up
their love affair with big government.
(This is a chapter from
The
Great Libertarian Offer by Harry Browne, published in 2000. The
book contains proposals to reduce government and thereby reduce social
problems in dozens of areas. Information on the book is available by
clicking here.)
{1} The New York City homicide rate for 1943 was cited by
Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan in a speech, and quoted by Sam Roberts,
"A Plea for Intolerance for Acts of Crime, The New York Times,
April 26, 1993. The 1995 rate was cited by Fox Butterfield, "Major
Crimes Fell in ’95, Early Data By FBI Indicate," The New York
Times, May 6, 1996.
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